St. Pat’s in the desert

One of the few things I miss about my hometown of Chicago is St. Patrick’s Day. Even though my ancestry is Scottish and Hungarian, every Chicagoan is Irish on St Pat’s Day and that’s what makes it special. 

Not that I was expecting much Hibernian heritage when I moved to New Mexico. When I suggest dying the Rio Grande green nobody knows what I’m talking about. I’m tempted to prank my town’s rattlesnake removal service (yes, we have one) by calling the snake hotline on March 17 and asking for St. Patrick, but they probably wouldn’t get the joke. 

Ethnic celebrations are an American tradition that reminds us of our immigrant heritage and honors the melting pot we have become. They are inherently inclusive because everyone, regardless of nationality, is welcome. When I was growing up in Chicago the city had a big celebration and parade for practically every ethnic group. Everyone could be Irish for a day, or Puerto Rican or Greek. Or get stuck in a traffic jam on Kosciuszko Day, as I once did.

Wallethub ranks Albuquerque’s St. Patrick’s Day celebration only 113th of the 200 largest cities in the U.S. The city ranks higher for Cinco de Mayo and goes all out for Dia de los MuertosI explain to my New Mexico friends that Chicago celebrates the Day of the Dead, too, but there it’s known as election day. Albuquerque also has Celtic, Greek, Asian and Scandinavian festivals that are too small to merit parades and major hoopla. 

Columbus Day used to be a big Italian celebration. One of the reasons it became a national holiday was to counter discrimination against Italian-Americans. Canceling Columbus eliminates a celebration that has not been fully replaced (especially for the Italians). 

So far Indigenous Peoples Day has been more about airing grievances – like the Festivus holiday popularized by the Seinfeld TV show – and tearing down monuments. I hope this changes as new holidays evolve. Indigenous Peoples Day has tremendous potential for inclusive celebration of a rich heritage and culture. I want to see a big parade in Albuquerque with fry-bread stands. 

Juneteenth parades are beginning to take place in some cities and that’s a positive trend. Perhaps the millions of Central Americans wading across the Rio Grande eventually will organize Venezuelan and Honduran festivals wherever they settle. The more the merrier. 

Ethnic celebrations are a way of celebrating our diversity that actually unifies us. At a time when Americans are more divided than ever, we need more parades and parties. And maybe a little green beer.

Posted in Idle Ruminations, Life in New Mexico | Comments Off on St. Pat’s in the desert

January at the gym

It’s the first week in January and I am delighted that the gym in my over-55 community is not crowded. 

I’m not a big fitness buff, mind you. Fitness, yes; buff, hardly. I began hitting the gym regularly when the Navy required me to pass an annual physical fitness test and kept the habit after I retired (minus the military sit-ups and push-ups). These days my last defense against age and gravity is to stagger into the gym and horse around with the exercise machines while reading a novel on my Kindle. 

For many years one of my pet peeves was the New Year’s resolution crowd at the gym. My local fitness center in the Chicago suburbs was part of the Bally’s Total Fitness chain, which had a heavily advertised holiday sale on memberships every year. Lots of people got gym memberships for Christmas and many of them showed up the day after New Year’s. 

This ruined my entire day. By the time I got to the gym after work the parking lot and locker room were full. All the exercise machines were in use by people who did not know how to use them and were unaware of gym etiquette. The aerobics class was a demolition derby of random flailing limbs. I quickly learned to just stay away from the gym the first week in January. 

Fortunately, the fitness frenzy did not last long. The cheerfully sadistic young woman who taught the aerobics class refused to slow things down for the uninitiated and the class cleared out after a few days. By mid-February most of the newcomers had returned to their couches and the gym was back to normal. This validated the fitness chain’s business model of selling memberships to people who did not use them. 

My senior community somehow is immune from the New Year’s resolution exercise mania. The gym gets regular use but is never crowded. Usually there are fewer people in the gym than on the pickleball court or in the yoga class. The only change I see during the holidays is when a few folks are dragged into the gym by their visiting kids. 

Not that my neighbors are a bunch of couch-bound geriatrics. The community has a hiking group and I see lots of people walking or bicycling around the neighborhood. I suspect senior citizens who are attracted to an active-adult community already have figured out how to keep themselves healthy. The neighbors I have encountered are laid-back and mellow folks who may feel less urgency to change their lives than younger generations.

My only New Year’s resolution is to stick to the fitness program I’ve been following for years. And maybe clean the garage.  

Posted in Idle Ruminations, Life in New Mexico | Comments Off on January at the gym

Student loans: Now we’re all in debt

The debate over President Biden’s student loan forgiveness is just what we needed: yet another divisive issue. It’s the largest unilateral spending decision by a U.S. president. I’m waiting for the pundits to praise it as a triumph of democracy.

There’s no question that former college students need a break. They were unfairly conned into taking on big loans for degrees that may not equip them to make the payments.

It’s equally unfair to shift that debt to taxpayers who did not go to college, or who paid off their loans. And no, this is not at all comparable to the Congress-approved Paycheck Protection Program loans that allowed businesses that were shut down by the government to pay their employees during the pandemic.

While college grads and working stiffs point fingers at each other, the big winners are colleges and universities. They remain free to raise prices with impunity because the taxpayers will continue to foot the bill and future graduating classes will expect further bailouts. 

It does not help when members of my generation huff that we paid off our student loans, by golly. When I graduated in 1964 tuition at Northwestern (an expensive school then and now) was $1600 a year, about 26% of the U.S. median household income of $6,000. Today’s tuition at NU is $62,391, only slightly less than the median household income of around $77,000. 

I was lucky enough to get through college with scholarships, part-time work and help from my parents, and did not take out a loan until tuition went up in my senior year. In those days student loans came through the National Defense Student Loan Program, an outgrowth of the post-Sputnik push to compete with the Soviet Union. When I was in the Navy off the coast of Vietnam I began receiving collection letters from Northwestern demanding loan payments. I appreciated the perverse logic of using my combat pay for National Defense Student Loan payments.

The problem runs deeper than footing the bill for college costs. For decades we’ve promoted the idea throughout American society that everyone ought to go to college and have lavishly funded higher education. School systems have focused on college preparation at the expense of vocational education. Other countries have not done this: The U.S. is the only advanced nation that does not have a national system of trade schools. 

More than 60 percent of high school graduates now start college but many need remedial courses because high school has not prepared them for college work. Fewer than half of college students complete a degree within six years. The percentage of Americans with college degrees has risen from about 20% in 1990 to more than 30% today, but about 40% of recent college graduates are employed in jobs that do not require a degree. 

A report from the American Compass think tank summarizes it this way: 

Put it all together, and the college pipeline proves incredibly leaky. Out of 100 high school students, 13 won’t complete high school, another 29 will complete high school but not enroll in college, and 27 will enroll in college but fail to complete a degree. Of the 31 who do earn a college degree, 13 will end up in jobs that don’t require one. That leaves just 18 of 100 young Americans—call them the Fortunate Fifth—actually moving smoothly from high school to college to career.

Forgiving student debt won’t fix the inequality of our higher education system. In the short term, one alternative to shifting student debt to taxpayers may be to give colleges some skin in the game: require schools whose students default on loans to reimburse the federal government through a tax on endowment funds. Another approach would allow people to discharge student loan debt through bankruptcy as we do with other debts.

Even though the government has insulated higher education from market forces, we’re seeing some pushback against the high cost and chancy benefit of a traditional college education. College enrollments already were declining, and more colleges are closing or merging. The pandemic accelerated the growth of online degree and technical certificate programs. The Mike Rowe Works Foundation offers scholarships to pursue trade careers.

The student debt crisis is an opportunity for lawmakers to re-evaluate higher education to make college a better value and develop a strategy for vocational education. This is unlikely, of course, but student loan bailouts should increase the pressure for reform from consumers and voters.  

Posted in Commentary | Comments Off on Student loans: Now we’re all in debt

Credibility is not rocket science

I’ve been watching with bemusement as one American institution after another loses its credibility with the public. Fewer people believe much of what they hear from authority figures and I can’t blame them. I’m interested in this because I spent my public relations career helping employers and clients build trust with employees, customers and government regulators.  

It’s not complicated. In general, people will believe what you say if you do not lie to them, listen to them and refrain from harming them. The Public Relations Society of America’s code of professional ethics says roughly the same thing in fancier language. 

I saw these principles in action because I worked for a reasonably honest company. AT&T’s Bell System depended on a favorable reputation to sustain its regulated monopoly. Every employee signed a pledge to safeguard customer privacy, and I know of several executives who were fired for misbehavior. It may have helped that the chairman was a former Eagle scout. 

The company generally was treated fairly by the news media because we never ducked reporters’ questions (and in those days media still covered news fairly). When I worked in media relations at Illinois Bell and Western Electric, we made it a point to be accessible to reporters 24 hours a day. Our answers did not always satisfy reporters but we never refused to comment. 

We had an agenda, of course, and promoted it with the understanding that the news media were not going to accept our talking points at face value. Rare attempts to spin the news fell flat. When AT&T became one of the first companies to report more than $1 billion in earnings, reporters laughed when the news release from the company’s headquarters in New York expressed the number as $1100 million instead of $1.1 billion. 

Building credibility with employees was equally important. Our employee publications, in addition to recognizing and highlighting employees, delivered information on issues affecting the business as candidly as possible. I had regular skirmishes with the company’s lawyers over this. 

During a period of massive layoffs at Western Electric’s Hawthorne Works, management needed to keep employees informed without arousing speculation in the news media. The solution was a confidential newsletter that was distributed to supervisors to guide them in talking to employees. While it was impossible to predict future layoffs, supervisors were able to explain to employees that more cuts were likely if present trends continued.

This long-term investment in credibility paid off during the frequent labor disputes and strikes the telecommunications industry encountered in the 1970s and 80s. Illinois Bell had a phone-in employee newscast on an answering system. It got little traffic under normal circumstances but was so popular during strikes that we had to add circuits to meet demand for up-to-the-minute information. During one strike a competing union hotline failed to gain traction because employees trusted management’s newscast more. 

Our biggest communications challenge was the court-ordered breakup of the Bell System in 1984. The largest corporate reorganization in history (at that time) was an unprecedented shock to an employee culture built on stability and certainty. For the first time, executives could not tell employees what was going to happen because the future of the business was tied up in antitrust litigation and regulatory proceedings. It was natural for some employees to suspect that the bosses know but aren’t telling us.

The solution was a series of employee town meetings that became a permanent part of the company’s communications. After some initial discomfort, Illinois Bell’s executives became comfortable answering questions from employees. A few even acknowledged responsibility for management’s occasional missteps. Being candid about what they knew, what they didn’t know, and why they didn’t know it renewed confidence in management and helped employees develop a tolerance for uncertainty. 

The same kind of challenge to credibility is facing American institutions and most of them are failing in the eyes of the public. Only 52% of Americans still trust the U.S. Center for Disease Control, 44% trust the FBI and only 16% trust newspapers. Members of Congress and used-car salesmen have roughly the same reputation for honesty. 

I wonder if the high-powered communications experts these organizations employ will start advising their principals to be transparent, candid and truthful. It’s not rocket science, and if all else fails it might work. 

Posted in Idle Ruminations | Comments Off on Credibility is not rocket science

Confessions of a recovering opinion pollster

When I get curious about a controversial political issue (okay, that ‘s redundant) one of the first things I do is check the public opinion polls. That’s because I’m a recovering opinion pollster.

One of the most satisfying jobs in my public relations career was as the opinion research director at Illinois Bell Telephone in the 1980s. Opinion polling is an important way to measure public relations work. Tabulating news coverage or web clicks does not really tell you whether you’ve raised awareness or changed opinions. Survey results are a reality check that may shatter assumptions (and I enjoyed being the corporate gadfly). 

I had no academic background in opinion research but worked with top-notch outside experts, including an advertising agency research director and a market research professor. Every business lunch with these folks was a master class.  

Opinion research can guide policy when it’s used effectively. My biggest project was when Illinois Bell sought regulatory approval to replace a patchwork of local telephone rates in the Chicago area with a single plan of usage-based rates. Because rate proposals like this had been defeated in other states by regulators and legislators, gaining public support was critical. 

We conducted more than a dozen focus groups and a number of telephone surveys to determine the issues most important to customers and test their reactions to specific proposals. (I was in hog heaven because the hundreds of millions of revenue dollars at stake in the rate proposal justified a generous research budget.) Our survey results helped shape the final rate proposal and ease negotiations with consumer groups and regulators. The rate plan ultimately was approved. 

A focus group is a facilitated discussion with a dozen or so people to elicit their opinions. Researchers observe the discussion behind one-way glass or on video. This is qualitative research that identifies issues and reveals a range of viewpoints but does not represent a majority opinion. It’s a good way to test products and TV commercials. You don’t want the boss observing a focus group, by the way. He’s bound to say: “See? I was right all along. That lady agrees with me!”

Major decisions require a two-step process: Focus groups to identify what the issues are, followed by a quantitative survey of hundreds of respondents to determine majority opinion. Focus group findings help formulate questions for these large-scale surveys. Without this step, you may miss something important when you write the questionnaire. 

Once in a while focus groups can guide a clear decision. Illinois Bell’s rate proposal would have eliminated a premium plan with unlimited calling for a flat monthly rate. In the focus groups we noticed that the most outspoken consumers, who emerged as virtually every group’s natural leaders, subscribed to the unlimited plan and liked it. We quickly concluded that angering the people most likely to write their legislators was not a good strategy, and persuaded management to grandfather the unlimited plan for existing customers instead of eliminating it. 

Public opinion often changes over time as events unfold, as we see with many political issues. During the run-up to the court-imposed breakup of AT&T in 1984, I conducted a tracking survey that asked the same questions in a series of surveys over several years. We found that customers overwhelmingly favored the breakup until it actually affected them. Then some were indignant: “You mean I have to get long distance phone service from a different company and pay more for local service?” When I presented my survey findings I described the sudden opinion shift as the “holy shit moment.” 

We may be seeing a significant shift in public opinion on gun control in the wake of a spate of mass shootings. Congress is working on bipartisan legislation that reflects a strong public consensus for expanded background checks and “red flag” laws but avoids measures with less public support such as allowing teachers to carry guns and banning “assault-style” weapons. 

Opinion survey findings are only as useful as their interpretation. When I worked with Unilever’s foodservice business I conducted a first-ever satisfaction survey of hundreds of employees who attended a lavish annual sales meeting. My survey respondents liked the presentations, hotel accommodations and recreational activities but were critical of the food. This worried the sales department. A month or so later I conducted a survey of another employee conference and found similar criticism of the food. Then I noticed that when I went out to lunch with the company’s managers they always critiqued the restaurant. I discussed this with my clients and we came to the same conclusion: This was a food company and the employees were foodies. Criticizing what they were fed was in their DNA and was not a management problem. 

Academic research is important and mostly useful. I enjoyed partnering with college professors in surveys for the National Stuttering Association. But I’m inclined to trust corporate surveys a little more because businesses have a bigger stake in the outcome. An academic paper that’s later refuted is embarrassing, but a blunder like Coca-Cola’s New Coke costs millions of dollars and ends careers. Professional polling companies also have a lot of skin in the game.

One of the reasons I check polling data as part of my news consumption is that politicians and pundits not only fail to represent public opinion but often misrepresent it. On the contentious abortion issue, for instance, polls show that the majority of Americans favor a right to abortion in the early stages of pregnancy but only about 20% support late-term abortion and 10 to 15% want abortion to be completely illegal. 

The end of Roe v Wade will force politicians to play for keeps on this issue for the first time by actually passing legislation. Opinion polls suggest that most Americans will support the kind of moderate laws most European countries have enacted. Yet some politicians — who apparently have not read the polls — are stampeding to the fringes by pushing for either completely unrestricted abortion or a total abortion banIt will be interesting to see ow this plays out.

Election polling is particularly slippery. Deciding whom to survey requires guessing which groups of people are going to vote, which may not be the same mix of people who voted last time. I enjoy getting calls from local political pollsters during election season. Sometimes they test campaign arguments by asking my reaction to statements such as: Candidate X failed to pay his taxes in 2011. Does this make your opinion less favorable? My usual response is: No, I already know he’s a crook. Usually I can guess which candidate sponsored the survey.

Posted in Idle Ruminations | Comments Off on Confessions of a recovering opinion pollster

Turning around a local economy

Two years ago I built a new house in an over-55 community in Los Lunas, just south of Albuquerque. Los Lunas is the fastest-growing town in New Mexico and the development is exciting to watch: new industry, hundreds of new homes sprouting from empty desert and road construction to accommodate heavier traffic. 

Years ago I was involved in a different kind of development, an economic turnaround in my hometown of Oak Park, Illinois. Oak Park is one of the oldest suburbs of Chicago. It was a growing community in the 1870s (thanks in part to the Chicago Fire) and was completely built up by the 1920s with around 50,000 residents crammed into 4.7 square miles. 

My parents moved to Oak Park in 1955, and I settled there with my own family in 1969 after my hitch in the Navy. At that point the community was facing unprecedented challenge. The adjacent section of Chicago had undergone racial resegregation and experts were predicting the same for Oak Park. Crime rates were rising, businesses were leaving and residents were nervous. Oak Park responded with a commitment to integration and renewal, and organized a series of community initiatives to make this happen.

One of the things that needed fixing was the local economy. Oak Park had been one of the largest shopping destinations outside Chicago’s Loop but department stores were moving to new suburban malls. Auto dealers, unable to expand in built-up Oak Park, were moving farther out in the suburbs. 

An unlikely catalyst for economic renewal was the Frank Lloyd Wright home and studio, which had been in private hands for years and came on the market in the early 1970s. To assure its preservation as a national landmark, the local banks got together and purchased the house until the National Trust for Historic Preservation could acquire the property. 

The banks’ partnership was so successful that instead of adding a local government department for economic development, the Village of Oak Park worked with business leaders to organize the nonprofit Oak Park Development Corporation (OPDC). OPDC was funded through annual contributions by the banks and other businesses. One of the banks donated office space for OPDC’s president and a secretary. OPDC had a contract for services from the village government and the village manager sat on the organization’s board. 

OPDC’s mission was to attract new businesses to Oak Park and help existing ones expand. One of its first tasks was to work with local government to make the village more business-friendly on issues such as permits and zoning. 

Oak Park had virtually no restaurants because it had outlawed liquor sales in the 1890s — after the great-grandfather of one of my high school classmates bought the last tavern and poured the liquor into the street. OPDC worked with the village government to build public support for going “damp” to permit liquor sales at full-service restaurants while continuing to ban bars and liquor stores. Within a few years Oak Park became a magnet for fine restaurants. 

One of OPDC’s most successful ventures was a business loan program. In those days cities could get federal community development block grants, and most communities used this money for business loans administered by the local government. OPDC instead deposited the federal money in the local banks as a reserve fund, which enabled the banks to write below-market-rate loans for three times the amount of the federal grant. The five banks participating in the program had an agreement to share the risk in case a loan defaulted. Because banks wrote and serviced the loans, they had a stake in the outcome and served as consultants to startup entrepreneurs and minority business owners. 

Most of the loans were used to restore and repurpose vintage commercial buildings. A local movie house underwent a million-dollar rehab to modernize the theater and restore its Art Deco features. Multistory department stores were converted to mixed-use with offices or apartments on the upper floors. A street of obsolete, too-small retail spaces was reborn as an arts district with galleries and craft shops. The loan program, along with village grants for exterior renovation, enabled many local businesses to upgrade and refurbish their properties. 

I joined OPDC’s board in 1982. My employer, Illinois Bell, was one of the organization’s investors and appointed me as its OPDC representative because I lived in Oak Park and had been active in the community. It was an impressive board. In those days banks were locally owned, and the bank presidents attended the meetings rather than delegate the task to subordinates. Other board members included the village manager, a state senator, several local business owners and two prominent nonprofit leaders. Meetings were brisk, focused and productive. (I learned a lot about how a board of directors ought to operate.) 

The bank presidents, most of them relatively young, were innovative problem-solvers. On one occasion the board held an emergency meeting because a vintage commercial building was due to be demolished the following week. Within a couple of hours the bankers came up with a million-dollar package of loans and grants that saved the building from the wrecking ball. 

Oak Park’s economic turnaround was more than million-dollar deals. OPDC was a one-stop shop for new or expanding businesses. The three-person staff maintained a database of available business sites, helped entrepreneurs obtain village permits and connected them with the loan program. OPDC’s president actively recruited Chicago-area companies and restaurant chains to locate in Oak Park. 

Economic development was only one of Oak Park’s community renewal initiatives. The village integrated schools and neighborhoods, tightened building code enforcement, built a new village hall, installed new street lights, improved police protection and expanded community involvement and participation. As Oak Park’s reputation grew OPDC’s clientele included a growing number of minority, women and gay-lesbian business owners.

Watching all of this happening was exciting. I remained on the OPDC board until I left Illinois Bell in 1990 and continued to serve as the organization’s public relations counsel until 1998.

The economic development corporation restructured in 2014 and is coping with a new set of economic development challenges. No longer a quiet suburb, Oak Park is following the pattern of urban centers outside the city with high-rise buildings where department stores once stood. 

The Frank Lloyd Wright landmark that started the economic turnaround was restored by a nonprofit foundation and spawned a thriving tourism industry that has made Oak Park a destination for visitors as well as a great place to live.  

Posted in Oak Park | Comments Off on Turning around a local economy

Russian tanks and Elvis

Instead of listening to music in the morning, I’ve been turning on the TV to see the latest news from Ukraine. The war is compelling: horrifying and inspiring at the same time. Everyone hopes and prays for the triumph of good over evil, but down deep we’re afraid it will end badly. Because we’ve seen this movie before: Russian tanks rolling into Chechnya in the 1990s, Prague in 1968 and Budapest in 1956. 

The 1956 Hungarian revolution sticks in my mind because I had a personal connection: a family of cousins in Budapest. My grandparents emigrated to Chicago from Hungary around 1900. My mother’s first language was Hungarian, and over the years she collected relatives and tracked down estranged kinfolk. 

At some point she got in touch with distant cousins in Budapest, a family with four sons, and sent them packages of food and clothing. It was not until after my mother died that I learned that she also sent needed medicine that was unavailable in Hungary. When I was in high school I exchanged letters with the two younger sons, who were about my age and were learning English. 

In 1956 Hungary was a satellite of an expanding Soviet Union. No one was under the illusion that any country behind the Iron Curtain was an independent nation. After years of repression and growing unrest, widespread protests escalated and briefly replaced the Stalinist government of Hungary with a more benign Communist regime. The Soviets retaliated by sending Russian troops. 

As the Cold War was heating up, all the rest of the world could do was watch in horror as Hungarian teenagers lobbed Molotov cocktails at Russian tanks and refugees streamed across the border. United Nations resolutions and condemnations from Western leaders had no impact on what was effectively an internal Soviet dispute in which intervention could trigger nuclear war.

One of the most prominent calls for support for Hungarian refugees came from Elvis Presley. At the height of his popularity, he used his headline appearances on the Ed Sullivan Show to call attention to Hungary’s plight and solicit Red Cross aid contributions. In 2011 the Hungarians honored Elvis posthumously by making him an honorary citizen of Budapest and naming a street for him.

Happily, my cousins survived the uprising and its aftermath. The two oldest sons fought the Russians and fled the country. Years later I got to know one cousin who had emigrated to Canada. I visited him and his wife in Vancouver and they visited me in Albuquerque a few years ago. I follow the Facebook posts (in Hungarian, unfortunately) of another cousin who remained in Hungary. 

The Hungarian revolution solidified the Cold War as a stalemate that lasted for decades. The Russian invasion of Ukraine promises to result in another geopolitcal reset one way or another. All we can do is watch in hope and horror, contribute to the many relief efforts that are emerging and urge our leaders to keep sending weapons. And remember the Hungarians and Elvis. 

Posted in Commentary, Family stories | Comments Off on Russian tanks and Elvis

Don’t know much about history

I’ve been scratching my head over the controvery about teaching critical race theory in schools. Whatever the hell critical race theory is, it’s clear that politicians want to either mandate it or ban it. I see this as an opportunity to get the schools to do something they haven’t done in at least a generation: actually teach history.

We know schools in the United States are not as good at teaching reading, math and science as schools in your average country such as Slovenia, Portugal and Vietnam. They really suck at teaching history, in which only 15% of eighth-graders are proficient.

This is not a new problem. I learned the basic history stuff in school but was not particularly interested in it. Many years later I became a late-blooming history buff by reading history and historical fiction: sound research and good writing that made up for the uninspired teaching I had received.

Understanding history — and watching it evolve as new research adds perspective to old events — has clarified my sense of identity and informs my perspective on current events. As I watch students tear down statues of founding fathers they know nothing about, I wonder if they are aware that the French Revolution ended in dictatorship, or that Marxism killed 80 million Chinese and 30 million Russians.  

Critical race theory will not correct this appalling lack of knowledge. The definition of critical race theory appears to be as slippery as the definition of gain-of-function Covid research. Regardless of what you call it, some of the things that actually are being taught in schools are concerning.

Third-graders are being forced to deconstruct their racial identities and separate themselves into oppressors and oppressed. One school system accused white teachers of “spirit murder” against black children. Another teaches students that all white people perpetuate systemic racism. A private school asks parents to “decenter” whiteness at home and in their families. Students are taught that the police are racist and encouraged to join in protests.

Even though the Black Lives Matter movement has lost the support of the majority of Americans, the counterfactual claims of BLM and the 1619 Project are being taught as established fact in a growing number of schools. One teacher complains that political tracts have replaced history textbooks, and she is no longer permitted to teach students about the Holocaust. 

Critical race theory is being debated in my adopted home state of New Mexico. It’s an unusual challenge in a state that was practicing diversity and inclusion for centuries before it became trendy. The Conquistadores who colonized the place were a racially mixed bunch, and New Mexico’s population now is 49% Hispanic, 37% Non-Hispanic white, 8% Native American, 2% Asian and 2% African-American. Imagine the hapless teacher who must decide whether a child of Anglo-Hispanic parentage who’s part Native American is an oppressor or a victim. 

Instead of replacing a partly biased version of history with an overtly racist one, I’d like to see states take a fresh look at what history needs to be taught in the schools and how to teach it. Educators and politicians are the least-qualified people to do this. Start with a panel of historians, including some who are not subject to university censorship. Make it an open process with ample opportunity for citizen input and public discussion. Review the curriculum every few years to keep pace with the continual evolution of history.

There is no excuse for boring history lessons in schools when so many interesting resources are available. I’ll bet high school students can learn more about the Civil War from Ken Burns’ documentary than anything their teachers can present. What if middle school kids could take an Ancestry.com DNA test and trace their family histories as a class project? 

If political factions are demanding that we fundamentally transform America, our citizens need to understand what, exactly, needs transforming and why. And if we are better aware of history, perhaps we can dissuade our politicians from repeating history’s mistakes yet again.

Posted in Commentary, Life in New Mexico | Comments Off on Don’t know much about history

The American dream in four walls

I’ve always been interested in houses: fixed up a couple of old ones and built a new one last year. Home ownership has been a major factor in middle-class wealth accumulation and upward mobility in the United States and certainly contributed to mine. 

Growing up in a tiny apartment gave me an appreciation for home ownership. My parents scrimped and saved until a modest inheritance from my grandfather gave them a down payment on a house. 

My generation was luckier. I bought my first house in 1969 at age 26 for a little more than twice my annual income and (as a military veteran) practically nothing down. Over the years steady growth in home values enabled my family to move up to nicer houses. Tapping my increasing home equity put my kids through college and paid my late wife’s medical bills. Meanwhile, the sale of my parents’ last house covered their elder care and final expenses.

Today, however, the escalator to prosperity of home ownership is out of reach for a growing number of Americans. 

There are many reasons for this. Crushing student debt has caused many millennials to delay marriage and children, and makes it difficult for them to qualify for home mortgages. The housing supply has not kept pace with population growth and demographic changes. Builders find it more profitable to build McMansions than starter homes. Zoning laws set minimum lot sizes and discourage low-priced homes. Environmental building codes make homes in some areas more expensive.

To make matters worse, the overheated housing market we’re now seeing has jacked up home prices. Large corporations are snapping up single-family houses and converting them to rental properties. When I downsized to a smaller place last year, I chose to build a new house because available homes in my desired size and price range were hard to find. 

Every politician genuinely wants to make housing more affordable for working families, but government interventions in the housing market have been inconsistent and sometimes have had harmful side effects. Federally-insured FHA and VA mortgages have been a long-term success. Yet the 2008 housing crisis was triggered by a well-intentioned policy to grant mortgages to people who could not afford to pay them, which led to runaway speculation by financial institutions. 

Government efforts to create affordable housing focus mostlly on rental apartments. Renting certainly makes sense for many people at different stages of life, but many renters still want to be homeowners and nearly half worry they won’t be able to buy a home.

Build more starter homes

We clearly need to expand the housing supply, and especially need more moderate-priced houses to lower the threshhold of home ownership. About 1.5 million housing units are built in the U.S. each year, millions fewer than needed to meet demand. 

Watching my new house being built reminded me that home construction hasn’t changed much over the years. The roof trusses were prefabricated but the rest of the house was nailed together on-site, board by board. My old house in Oak Park was built in much the same way in 1911. No wonder houses are so expensive!

Wider use of manufactured housing can reduce construction costs. Not just mobile homes: Modular homes (even luxury models) can be quickly assembled on-site from factory-built components. This will require changing the artificial barriers of zoning laws and lending requirements. It also makes sense to overhaul zoning laws that create artificial scarcity in areas where people want to live.

Equity for renters

We subsidize homeowners with a federal tax deduction for mortgage interest and property taxes. Renters get squat. If we want to help working families build wealth, how about a comparable tax break for renters? What if renters could start building equity by investing a refundable tax credit in tax-deferred savings toward a down payment on a house or condo? This will require some tax-law gymnastics, but that’s what Congress does best. 

I have problems with most proposals to forgive student debt and grant reparations to correct past discrimination. But if we are going to do this sort of thing in the pursuit of equity, the best way to reduce the wealth gap is to include a mechanism and incentive to purchase homes.

If our policymakers are serious about helping working families — whether they seek to Make America Great Again or Build Back Better — one of their objectives should be to make it easier for young people to become homeowners as a down payment on the American dream.

Posted in Commentary | Comments Off on The American dream in four walls

Flashback

One of my dark-humor quips in recent years has been: I hope our government learned the lessons of Vietnam. And built an embassy in Afghanistan with enough room for multiple helicopters.

That stopped being funny when I saw the TV images of helicopters hovering over the embassy in Kabul and refugees clinging to airplanes. It’s eerily reminiscent of 1975 in Saigon and brings back memories for those of us who served in Vietnam.

I was one of the lucky ones. On coastal patrol in 1966-67 I drew my pistol every day to search sampans but never saw combat. No one I knew personally was killed or wounded and I apparently was not exposed to Agent Orange.

By the time Saigon fell the U.S. had completed an orderly, multi-year transition to shift warfighting to the South Vietnamese, who held out until Congress withdrew U.S. support. I had been part of the operation that welcomed our prisoners of war home in 1973.

Still, the fall of Saigon brought up conflicting emotions. I was relieved that the war finally was over, and saddened by the loss of life and utter waste of the whole conflict. I was angry at the politicians who dragged us into a war they mismanaged and ultimately chose to lose.

I also felt bitter toward my fellow Americans whose justifiable opposition to the war was turned against those who fought it. When I left active duty and began looking for a civilian job in 1968, an employment counselor advised me to not mention my service in Vietnam to prospective employers. I was instructed to wear civilian clothes on reserve duty in the Pentagon in 1970 because people in uniform were being hassled on the streets of Washington.

I still encounter people who assure me they supported our troops even though they demonstrated against the Vietnam war and I still do not fully believe them.

After the fall of Saigon it took nearly 20 years for our military services to regain the support of the American people and begin winning again under a new generation of leaders who had been junior officers in Vietnam. They were supported by political leaders from the World War II generation.

That will be more difficult this time. The political generals and admirals who bungled the Afghanistan withdrawal are unlikely to be held accountable. Preoccupied with rooting out mythical white supremacy and purging oficers who disagree with them, they have no interest in rebuilding an effective fighting force and appear incapable of doing so.

The Armed Forces may not get much help from today’s political leaders. Relatively few Vietnam veterans have held public office, and the vast majority of my generation’s politicians either dodged the draft or served far from the combat zone.

If anything, the current administration is more craven and significantly less competent than the likes of Lyndon Johnson and Robert McNamara. Compared to the end of the Vietnam war, the Afghanistan rout has been a military and diplomatic blunder of historic proportions. In today’s political climate, it’s unlikely that any of these officials will be held accountable.

There are a few hopeful signs, however. One change since the Vietnam era is that the military men and women who fought in Iraq and Afghanistan have had the heartfelt support of the American public. When our troops come home they are welcomed by cheering crowds at the airport instead of protesters.

The most positive sign is that increasing numbers of Afghanistan and Iraq veterans are being elected to Congress from both parties. That’s a change from the aftermath of Vietnam. If the nation is to recover from military defeat and international humiliation, these are the people to lead it.

Posted in Commentary, Sea Stories | Comments Off on Flashback